Hypocritical Holden Essay Example for Free

Hypocritical Holden Essay Hypocrisy is found in all of us. Many of us have things about ourselves that we don’t want to share with others, and try to hide; perhaps we are trying to hide our hypocrisy. In The Catcher in the Rye, J. D. Salinger expresses through Holden Caulfield that hypocrisy results from not being able to connect with others. Although Holden accuses others of being phony, in reality, Holden is a phony himself and as a result of his hypocrisy, he is unable to connect with others, suggesting that to connect with others one must be able to accept other people’s flaws. Holden defines others as phonies because he is critical and has a negative utlook on the world and the people in it. When Holden makes observations of other people he often defines them as phony. For example, when Holden goes to the movies he observes a lady sitting next to him who is crying during the movie, â€Å"The part that got me was, there was a lady sitting next to me that cried all through the goddam picture. The phonier it got, the more she cried†¦ she had this little kid with her that was bored as hell and had to go to the bathroom but she wouldn’t take him†¦ You take somebody that cries their goddam eyes out over phony stuff in the movies, and nine times out of ten they’re mean bastards at heart.  I’m not kidding† (181). Holden thinks that the woman crying is a phony because she is emotional about a movie which is fake, yet she does not feel bad for the kid who is sitting next to her in real life, who has to go to the bathroom. A woman crying at a movie is what Holden observes and defines as phony behavior. Holden’s negative outlook on the world and the people in it just pushes Holden farther and farther away from people. He is isolating himself. In addition, Holden thinks some words or phrases are phony. When Holden is talking on the phone with a girl he knows, Sally, who says something that Holden thinks is phony. â€Å"I’d love to. Grand. † Grand. If there’s one word I hate, it’s grand. It’s so phony†(106). Holden thinks that the word grand is phony, which may be true to Holden; although the more energy he spends on pointing out â€Å"phonies† the more isolated and unhappy he becomes. Holden is a hypocrite because he is sometimes aware that he is being a phony himself. Holden thinks that he needs to hide his true self from people in order to â€Å"survive†. When Holden is out at Ernie’s and meets up with a girl he knows, Lillian, Holden says something to the Navy guy who was with Lillian that Holden considers phony. Holden addresses the reader, â€Å"I’m always saying â€Å"Glad to’ve met you† to somebody I’m not at all glad I met. If you want to stay alive, you have to say that stuff, though† (87). Holden lies to the navy guy, and also says that he lies to other people when saying this phrase. Although Holden is acting phony, and therefore hypocritical, he is aware of it. He acts phony because he is afraid that sharing his true self with others will interfere with him connecting with others; Holden thinks that he will turn people away because he is different. Holden is different because he is critical, and also eeply caring and emotional. Holden is trying to act like a regular guy so people will like him and be willing to talk with him. Holden is striving to make a connection with someone; anyone. He is just looking for anyone to talk to and make a connection with, but he is afraid to open up to them. Holden tries to fit in with others by being phony when in reality, he hates how most people act. Holden tries not to show his hatred of phonies because then, people would soon realize that Holden is a phony himself. At Ernie’s when Holden meets up with the navy guy, introduced to him by Lillian, Holden hares his true thoughts about the navy guy’s actions with the reader. Holden says, â€Å"He was one of those guys that think they’re being a pansy if they don’t break around forty of your fingers when they shake hands with you. God, I hate that stuff† (86-87). Holden doesn’t like the expectations put on men to act tough; this makes Holden feel insecure. Holden feels that he must hide that he is caring and emotional by being phony. In addition, Holden is sometimes unaware that he is being phony. For example, when he asks his taxi driver Horwitz a question, Holden is unaware that he is being phony. â€Å"Hey, Horwitz,† I said. â€Å"You ever pass by the lagoon in central park? Down by central park south? †Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ â€Å"Well, you know the ducks that swim around in it? In the springtime and all? Do you happen to know where they go in the wintertime, by any chance (81)? †Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ Holden asks Horwitz where the ducks go in the winter time because he is unknowingly comparing his situation to the ducks in the lagoon; Holden wants to know where he goes now that it is â€Å"winter time† and his lagoon, Pencey prep, has frozen. Throughout the book, Holden struggles to find a place where he belongs. He also strives to connect with people. Holden is reluctant to share his true self with people. Asking Horwitz where the ducks go is one of Holden’s â€Å"phony† attempts at making a connection with someone. When Holden acts phony, he shields his true self from people which keeps him from connecting with others. Holden dislikes phonies, and he often criticizes people for being phony, although Holden acts phony himself because he is insecure about himself, which leads to Holden acting phony. J. D. Salinger expresses through Holden that when trying to connect with others, one must act like themselves. Hypocrisy is often inevitable; all of us exhibit hypocrisy.

Female Juvenile Delinquency in Canada Essay -- Criminal Justice Essays

Female Juvenile Delinquency in Canada   The punishment for girls was much more harsh in the early days of Canada’s history when crime was seen as an intolerable part of town life.   Young girls of age thirteen and fourteen were often hanged for theft in the mid to late 17th century Quebec or put in detention centres (usually a hospital) for as much as six years at a time (Carrigan 8).   Age was sometimes taken into consideration for serious crimes and so whipping and branding was used instead of execution.   The practise in Halifax in 1815 was to whip a girl thirty-nine times at the community whipping post (Carrigan 37).   The most common problem among girls during this time and in the following years was prostitution and theft among young girls (Carrigan 23). Moving into more modern times, crime rates among young girls continue to increase.   From 1974 to 1993, crime went up about 6% among girls for all offences (Carrigan 203).   Prostitution, again, is a huge concern with girls as young as eleven years old participating and statistics such as 5,000 to 10,000 girls across Canada engaging in this form of deviance (Carrigan 186). Crimes that have been classed as particularly â€Å"male† crimes are now being committed more and more by females.   These crimes include drug abuse, robbery, assault with a deadly weapon, and murder.   Girls also resort to punching, kicking, cutting off another girl’s hair, and burning with a cigarette as forms of assault (Carrigan 186-188).   The 1990’s has also seen the rise of female gangs, especially in the Toronto area.   Girls are seen as just as violent as boys and showing as little remorse.   Membership attitude is less rigid since members can come and go as they please, and often include bored, wealt... ... therapy session.   Individual counselling was also available.   Group homes turned out to be a more successful rehabilitation device than training schools.   The coming of the Young Offenders Act brought about the building of new facilities called detention centres in Canada.   The goals of these centres are to increase the offenders’ understanding of his/her behaviour, to improve their ability to control their behaviour, to promote interpersonal skills, and to provide for academic and vocational skills to build self-esteem and to provide access to employment once released (Carrigan 245).   The Nova Scotia Youth Centre in Waterville is the closest detention centre in the area and it can house 120 males and females.   It opened in July of 1988. Reference Carrigan, D. Owen.   Juvenile Delinquency in Canada: A History. Irwin Publishing, Concord, Ontario, 1998.

Effects of Teen Marijuana Use Essay

According to a 2012 Monitoring the Future study, marijuana is the illicit drug most likely to be used by teens (Maine Integrated Youth Health Survey). Marijuana comes from the plant Cannabis Sativa and appears as a green/brown mix of flowers, stems, and leaves (Teens Health 1). Marijuana is also known as pot, weed, MJ, Mary Jane, reefer, dope, ganja, herb, and grass. Marijuana is most often smoked in cigarettes, hollowed-out cigars, pipes, or water pipes, but is sometimes mixed into food or tea (1). Why are there concerns about teen use of marijuana? During adolescence, many developmental changes are occurring and poor choices could affect a teen’s future (University of Washington ADAI). As a result of teen marijuana use, teens engage in problematic behavior, neglect their education, and risk their health. Problematic behavior remains an effect of teen marijuana use. â€Å"A 2008 longitudinal study of heavy cannabis users from ages 14 to 25 in a New Zealand birth cohort found that increasing cannabis use in late adolescence and early adulthood is associated with a range of adverse outcomes in later life† (University of Washington ADAI). Ashbridge found that there is an increased risk of driving, a doubled risk of being in an accident, under the influence of marijuana (qtd. In U of W ADAI). Driving while under the influence of marijuana risks not only the user’s life, but also the lives of others. An accident caused by a driver under the influence of marijuana could potentially ruin many lives, and could easily be prevented with smart behavior. Marijuana affects ones concentration, perception, coordination, and reaction time; all skills needed for safe driving (courtinfo.ca.gov). Data has shown people who drive under the influence of marijuana show the same lack of coordination as those who drive under the influence of alcohol (courtinfo.ca.gov). Driving under the influence of marijuana is a problematic behavior because it affects many of the skills necessary for safe driving. Criminal behavior is also seen in association with teen marijuana use. In order to pay for drug use, teens engage in criminal  behavior, motor vehicle theft, and breaking-and-entering offenses (University of Washington ADAI). Teen Marijuana users need money to pay for drug use, and in order to obtain money, teens engage in problematic behaviors. There are also legal aspects when selling, using, or possessing marijuana, involving fines, jail time, and possibly a criminal record (Teens Health 2). Teen marijuana users’ problematic behaviors involving the law can lead to consequences, sometimes with the potential to damage the teen’s future. Laws against growing, possessing, and selling marijuana exist in all states but Washington and Colorado (2). Over 7.2 million Americans have been arrested on marijuana charges since 1990, many of which were teenagers (NORML). Marijuana association damages the lives of many teens who get caught engaging in marijuana associated problematic behaviors. The problematic behaviors associated with teen marijuana use can potentially damage not only a teen’s future, but also society. In addition to the problematic behaviors that arise from teen marijuana use, problems with neglected education also arise from teen marijuana use. Marijuana causes a lack of motivation in teens, causing them to look at school as unimportant, to not care about what happens in their lives, and to lack concern about their futures (Town of Barrington). Teen marijuana use causes teens to disengage from reality; teens live in their own fairy tale land where they don’t need anything but marijuana, and the future does not exist. This fairy tale has nothing to do with school, causing teens to neglect important years of education, potentially damaging their futures. Teen marijuana use is directly associated with poorer school performance, increased absences from school, and increased risk of dropping out without graduating (University of Washington ADAI). The disengagement from school teen marijuana users experience, causes problems for teens because they neglect their educational privileges. A study on success in school related to marijuana use showed that students who used marijuana had poorer school success than those who did not use marijuana (Finn 3). Teens who use marijuana neglect their education, causing poorer results in school. Students who used marijuana had lower grades, lower classroom participation, worse attendance, more academic dishonesty, and were disciplined more often than students who did not use marijuana (Finn 3). Teens who use marijuana,  and neglect their education, can face many educational hardships as a result. Teens who use marijuana are often alienated or disgraced by their peers, causing them to disengage from school and other activities (OJJDP). Disengagement in, or quitting of, school or school activities, deprives peers, schools, teams, and communities of positive contributions a teen may have made if they did not use marijuana. Neglected education associated with teen marijuana use can potentially damage a teen’s future and can potentially deprive peers and activities of positive contributions a teen marijuana user may have otherwise made. Although teen marijuana use can cause neglect of education, teen marijuana use can, more importantly, risk a teen’s health. Teens who smoke marijuana can experience minor health problems and major health problems. Respiratory problems caused by smoking marijuana such as phlegm, chronic cough, and bronchitis can be viewed as minor problems (Teens Health 2). Another minor problem caused by smoking marijuana is decreased blood pressure, which can cause dizziness (2). Smoking marijuana has minor effects on the body that risk a teen’s health because they can turn into larger problems or can just simply damage a teen’s growing body. One major problem caused by smoking marijuana is the impairment of the body’s ability to defend against infections and diseases (2). Another major problem caused by smoking marijuana is abnormal functioning of lung tissue, ultimately injuring or destroying the lung tissue (Town of Barrington). Smoking marijuana can cause permanent damage to the body; this damage becomes a bigger risk for a teen’s health because a teen’s body is still developing. Some of the major problems can even risk a teen’s life, shortening the life they could have had if they did not smoke marijuana. The last major problem caused by smoking marijuana is the cancer causing chemicals that come from smoking it (SAMHA). Teen marijuana smokers’ risk of developing lung cancer is increased because, in order to maximize their high, they inhale deeply and hold the marijuana smoke in their lungs. (SAMAHA). Teen marijuana smoking can risk a teen’s health because marijuana smoke contains cancer causing chemicals, which could potentially lead to a teen acquiring cancer early, or later in life. Teen marijuana use can risk a teen’s health, potentially damaging their bodies forever. As a result of teen marijuana use, teens engage in problematic behavior, neglect their education, and risk their health. Teens who are associated with marijuana, and participate in illegal activities, could potentially damage their future with criminal records. Teens who drive while under the influence of marijuana risk not only their own lives, but also the lives of others, potentially damaging their futures with criminal records. Teens who neglect their education because of association to marijuana could lose opportunities they would have otherwise had, potentially damaging their future. Teens who smoke marijuana risk their health, both in minor ways and major ways, potentially damaging their bodies forever. Is teen marijuana use really worth risking the bright futures of these teens? Works Cited â€Å"Adolescents and Marijuana.† University of Washington ADAI. University of Washington, June. 2013. Web. 16 April 2014. â€Å"Consequences of youth substance abuse.† OJJDP. USA.gov, May. 1998. Web. 16 April 2014. Finn, Kristin V. â€Å"Marijuana Use at School and Achievement-Linked Behavior.† The High School Journal 95.3 (2012): 3-13. Project Muse. Web. 16 April 2014. Maine Integrated Youth Health Survey. â€Å"Your Teen & Marijuana.† SAMHA. Maine.gov. 2011. Web. 16 April 2014. â€Å"Marijuana.† TeensHealth. The Nemours Foundation, April. 2009. Web. 16 April 2014. â€Å"Scary Stats.† courtinfo.ca.gov. Administrative Office of the Courts, n.d. Web. 16 April 2014. â€Å"Teen Marijuana Use.† Town of Barrington. Rhode Island, n.d. Web. 16 April 2014. â€Å"Your Government Is Lying To You (Again) About Marijuana.† NORML. NORML Foundation, n.d. Web. 16 April 2014.

Agency Costs On The Investment Performance Of Australian Pension Funds Finance Essay - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 5 Words: 1566 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Finance Essay Type Narrative essay Did you like this example? In Australia, the superannuation industry has undergone a rapid expansion since the introduction of a compulsory pension system in 1992. Superannuation assets grew from $245 billion to 942 billion in 10 years (Benson et al., 2010). Investors and consumers now have vast choice in their ability to pick a pension fund, ranging from non-profit funds, such as corporate, public sector and industry superannuation funds, and for-profit retail funds. However, there was a dearth of empirical studies which aimed to clarify any systematic differences in the performance of these respective funds. This is an important policy consideration as even small differences in cost and returns can have large remuneration ramifications in the long term. Bateman (2001) identified that a 1% change in costs could lead to a 22% change in returns on retirement. As such, it is crucial to analyse potential differences in returns between fund types and ensure retirees maximise their retirement in come savings as performance ultimately affects welfare (Clark and Unwin, 2008). Systematically lower net returns will reduce final retirement savings. This can increase reliance upon the public pension system than would have otherwise been required under lower cost and higher return funds. In Coleman et al.s (2006) article, the authors utilised a large cross-sectional database which encapsulated not-for-profit and for-profit funds, elaborating on prior studies which tended to only consider for-profit providers. The article aimed to gain understanding of the performance of the Australian superannuation industry from 1997 to 2002, evaluating in terms of risk, returns and expenses, and what factors in particular were the determinants of investment performance. The core approach to these questions adopted a fund type comparison to enable the authors to ascertain whether the varying characteristics between not-for-profit and for-profit affected fund net return and performance. Desp ite the adoption of a prudent person approach according to the Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Act 1993, the driving force behind potential disparities was hypothesised to be agency costs which manifest due to variations in the trustee board structure. In not-for-profit funds, consisting of the corporate, public sector and industry funds, equal representation is required from members of the fund and employers. In contrast, for-profit funds are non-representative and trustee board members are often employees of the professional financial institution who provide and manage the fund. As such retail funds are expected to have much higher agency costs which emerge in various ways. Without member representation, having only employees of the company on a trustee board creates conflicts of interest as the company aims to make a profit from providing superannuation services, whilst simultaneously attempting to maximise their customers retirement savings. Unlike not-for-profit funds whi ch have established customer bases originating from industries of work, retail funds need to create networks and entice employees into their fund, often through commission-based financial planners. Commissions involve more cost for consumers, but more earnings for planners than fee-for-service charges. As retail funds are the only fund type that pays commissions, it creates an incentive for financial planners to advise their clients into retail funds, and encourages purchase of other financial products which is driven by commission, not independent and sage advice. Effective fund choice is further limited by agency costs which generates high exit fees to deter customers transferring their pension to another fund, another result of how retail funds have no established customer base. By dissecting performance through fund type, various features within each fund type could be assessed for any material effect on performance, such as size and economies of scale, returns over time and benefit structure. It is presupposed that for funds with a larger amount of financial assets, any fixed costs involved in administration and management, both of the fund and individual accounts, would be spread out over a greater volume of cash, resulting in lower average costs. Likewise, large funds should be able to negotiate more competitive fees due to the increased influence and bargaining power they can attain due to their size. Using return on assets, volatility on returns and expense ratios as a measure of performance Coleman et al.s (2006) analysis found that not-for-profit funds outperformed for-profit funds, with not-for-profit funds reporting significantly higher risk-adjusted returns. The difference in returns amount to an estimated 228 to 318 basis points per annum (Coleman et al., 2006). Another significant finding was that for-profit retail funds have significantly higher expense ratios than not-for-profit funds, which helped to drive the difference in net returns between the fund types. The higher expenses for retails funds were associated with marketing and networking costs which aim to establish and expand their customer base. Performance across fund types was also assessed in terms of risk-adjusted performance using the Sharpe ratio and Jensen alpha, both of which are measures of the returns received relative to risk taken. In terms of risk-adjusted performance using the Sharpe ratio, retail funds again had a statistically significantly lower performance, with a ratio 20-30% lower than not-for-profit funds. The alternative measure of the Jensen alpha also recorded significant differences between not-for-profit and for-profit funds. The greatest disparity occurred between the industry and public sector funds with the retail funds in the multiple index model with market timing. This suggests industry and public sector funds have more active management of their asset allocation to take advantage of fortuitous market movements. The res ults were concluded to be consistent with the hypothesis that agency costs exist to create differential performance between not-for-profit and for-profit funds (Coleman et al., 2006). The lack of a representative trustee board creates behaviour that fails to minimise expenses, resulting in lower returns for for-profit funds. That fund features such as size and benefit structure were not significant determinants of performance simply allows greater explanatory power to be attributed to agency costs for the stark performance between not-for-profit and for-profit funds. This study expands upon prior studies to provide a quantitative figure on the adverse effect of agency costs upon superannuation funds. Whilst Coleman et al. (2006) published a thoroughly researched articles, there are some methodological issues that emerged. A chronic problem was the underreporting of expenses where external expenses were often deducted from the gross return on assets. Therefore explicit figures of external management costs were often unavailable yet still need to be taken into account for the expense ratio. To remedy this, external costs were estimated using the average management ratio reported in the annual returns of 25 pension funds during 2001 or 2002, which is at least on par with (Rice and McEwin, 2002) or is a conservative estimate (Clare, 2001) compared to other studies. This would be more accurate if the sample taken was representative of the superannuation industry and not skewed towards particular cost functions of any fund type. However, it homogenises costs between fund types, which is far from the truth according to Coleman et als results. Subsidies in corporate funds also posed problems, possibly leading to an underestimated expense cost. This is difficult to correct for as subsidies may not be used uniformly, providing only a caveat for potentially understated corporate expense figures. The articles sample time period from 1997 to 2002 may also detrimental ly affect the results. Its relevance to the current superannuation industry can be questioned due to the introduction of the Superannuation Choice Act No. 82 in 2005. Future research should determine whether member fund choice has affected performance or fees. Fund behaviour may have altered in order to gain competitive advantage, e.g. increased advertisements to attract and retain members. The survey period of 7 years is sufficient to observe several peaks and troughs, however, whether these trends are an accurate estimation of performance throughout a members lifetime is uncertain. In Coleman et al. (2006), the results of the Jensen alpha multiple index model suggested that corporate and public sector funds had more active management which allowed them to reap higher returns throughout the sample period. This contrasts Drew and Stanford (2003), who subscribes to the Efficient Market Hypothesis which states that securities markets are informationally efficient. Hence, profit is alr eady maximised and active management strategies are futile. A longer time frame of study should be adopted in the future in order to ensure the long term trend is captured, particularly since retirement savings is also a long term goal. Whilst Coleman et al. (2006) delivered a thorough analysis of investment performance by fund type, they acknowledged that they the experiment was not completely controlled. Differing allocation strategies can influence investment growth and this would create bias in the results if fund types were correlated with particular asset allocation and growth trends. For example, where retail funds tend towards more conservative asset allocation than not-for-profit funds (Ellis et al., 2008). Evidence of the alignment of asset allocation in the data was displayed by the high correlation between fund performance with a known balanced asset allocation. However, Ellis et al. (2008) improve the analysis further by directly controlling for asset allocation thro ugh analysing performance by investment option. This controls for the varying risk preferences and financial products utilised by fund members, synchronising fund type analysis. Ellis et al.s (2008) results showed that expenses and taxes were the only significant determinant of investment performance. It confirms Coleman et al.s (2006) findings, where net return relative to a benchmark return for retail funds in a standardised default option significantly underperformed the other fund types. Underperformance and higher costs in retails funds reflect the agency costs associated with for-profit funds as the trustee board struggle between attaining pension fund growth and earning profit. Hence Coleman et al.s (2006) are evidently robust and exposed the varying performances of pension fund types. Don’t waste time! 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